Calcutta Massacre – February 1946
Proponents of Hindutva, while arguing in favor of the partition of Bengal, often cite the communal riots between Hindus and Muslims in Kolkata in August 1946 and the death of over 4,000 people. However, just a few months prior, another conflict took place in this very city of Kolkata in February 1946, when people from both Hindu and Muslim communities fought side by side against British imperialism.
This unrest in February 1946 was not a communal riot. On that day, the Hindus and Muslims of this city set aside their communal interests and political differences, uniting on a common platform against British imperialism to demonstrate unprecedented civic solidarity. People from all walks of life and political persuasions participated in this movement, which was primarily called by students. Political parties were forced to support this student movement, even against their own inclinations.
The British government grew terrified. According to secret official reports, over 3,000 people were killed in police firings, while unofficial estimates put the death toll much higher.
While supporters of Bengal’s partition repeatedly bring up the August riots, they never mention the events of February. If the August riots serve as an argument in favor of partitioning Bengal, why shouldn’t the February uprising serve as an argument for keeping Bengal united? Hindutva advocates must answer this question.
After Japan’s defeat in the World War, the Azad Hind Fauj (Indian National Army – INA) was forced to surrender to British troops in 1945. The British government arrested most INA members and sent them to Indian prisons. Charges of treason were brought against them, and they were put on trial. The first major trial began at the Red Fort in Delhi on November 5, 1945. Ten charges were brought against Major General Shah Nawaz, Colonel Prem Kumar Sahgal, and Colonel Gurbaksh Singh Dhillon, including ‘waging war against the King and murder or abetment to murder’.
Protests erupted across India demanding the release of the Azad Hind Fauj members. Towards the end of November and early December, massive demonstrations, meetings, and rallies were held in Kolkata, mostly organized by students. Around this time, the Congress and the Muslim League were conducting their election campaigns, and both parties incorporated this issue into their electoral agendas. Intelligence Bureau (IB) reports indicated that public sentiment was growing increasingly heated due to speeches by political leaders and news coverage.
The Amrita Bazar Patrika wrote in November 1945 that Kolkata’s students had gone through their first post-war bloodshed on INA Day. More than thirty people were killed, several hundred were injured, and a large number of vehicles and police vans were destroyed.
The November unrest unfolded in two phases. The first was a student procession that was stopped by the police. However, the students were not violent. After about fifteen hours of shouting and protesting, they finally dispersed, likely due to exhaustion. In the subsequent phase, attacks on all forms of transport began. A large number of lorries and private cars were stopped and set on fire. Barricades were erected on many roads, and some railway lines were blocked by crowds.
On November 21, student organizations like the Bengal Provincial Students’ Congress and the Bengal Provincial Students’ Federation held a protest demonstration against the resumption of trials at the Red Fort. Muslim students also joined the protest, and both Hindu and Muslim students made increasing efforts to gain the support of the entire Muslim community. Throughout the morning and afternoon of November 21, students and workers gathered at Wellington Square for a massive rally. Following a meeting of about a thousand people, a rally began from Dharamtala and moved towards Dalhousie Square. President Dilip Kumar Biswas announced that the procession would pass through the official area—Dalhousie Square, where the government secretariat was located—proceed along Strand Road to Harrison Road, and finally conclude at College Square.
The situation deteriorated when the procession was prevented from entering Dalhousie Square. Kolkata Police attempted to stop the march at the intersection of Madan Street and Dharamtala, trying to divert it towards Central Avenue. However, the march leaders refused to obey police orders and sat on the road. Trouble broke out when the main group of students began pushing against the police barricades. The police initiated a lathi charge on the leaders in the front row. Students retaliated by throwing bricks and stones. The police opened fire on the protesters, making the situation even worse. The clashes between armed forces and the agitated crowd turned brutal and violent, and unrest broke out across the city.
On Thursday, November 22, 1945, around two to three hundred marchers remained at the spot until 5:00 AM, after which they moved to various northern parts of the city. Srimati Pratibha Devi of the Congress Socialist Party (CSP) suggested in her speech that the marchers split into different groups and call for a strike (hartal). By this time, the number of participants had reached the thousands. All Corporation workers went on strike, and public transport came to a halt after 10:30 AM. The first signs of trouble appeared earlier in the day when a crowd in Bhowanipore began stopping British military vehicles. By afternoon, police fired on crowds multiple times, and by evening, the trouble had spread to Lansdowne Road in the east, the Kalighat Bridge over Tolly Nullah in the west, and Lower Circular Road in the north. Agitated crowds set police trucks on fire. Fire brigades were called to extinguish fires on police and military lorries.
Numerous rallies were taken out across the city. Meanwhile, participants in the procession held a rally at noon, which was far larger and more representative than the previous day’s. Around two hundred thousand people—representing all communities (Hindus, Muslims, Sikhs) and political groups (Congress, Muslim League, Communists, Hindu Mahasabha, and Khaksars)—were present. By noon, all processions gathered at Wellington Square, where an all-party platform formed spontaneously. Communal cooperation was clearly visible at the meeting. The tri-color flag of the Congress, the gleaming green of the Muslim League, the red of the Communists, and the swastika-bearing flag of the Hindu Mahasabha flew together in the sky.
When a group of Muslim students from Islamia College arrived at the meeting, they were welcomed with thunderous applause, and their presence at the protest created an emotional atmosphere. Many Muslim students approached Muslim League leaders to join the CPI and Congress in prolonging the movement. However, League leaders refused to participate. Mohammad Usman, Secretary of the Kolkata Muslim League and a leader of the Provincial Muslim Students’ League, openly spoke against Muslim participation in this unrest. But as numerous Muslims from various strata of society joined the protests, the rift between the popular movement and the institutional leadership became evident.
The protesters formed a procession once again and resumed their march toward Dalhousie Square, where they had been barred from reaching on Wednesday. Police carried out three rounds of lathi charges and fired twice, but the procession did not disperse. Following this, the police retreated and did not intervene further. The procession marched through Dalhousie Square and later carried the body of Rameshwar Banerjee, a victim of Wednesday’s police firing, in a two-mile-long funeral procession to the Keoratola Crematorium for cremation. Sarat Bose, a Forward Bloc sympathizer, and Shyama Prasad Mukherjee of the Hindu Mahasabha both claimed that permission for the procession to pass through Dalhousie Square on the second day was granted due to their insistence. However, the government stated that no such permission was given. It is quite reasonable to assume that all political parties were attempting to gain political mileage from this unrest.
There was a complete hartal across the Indian parts of the city, joined by all communities. By late afternoon, key entry and exit roads to Kolkata from the north, south, and southwest were blocked with barricades and other obstacles. Military vehicles, service vehicles, and other forms of official transport were severely affected.
The IB acknowledged that the hartal was virtually complete. There were many isolated incidents of attacks on Europeans and on Indians wearing ties and hats. These items were stripped off and burnt or destroyed as symbols of European influence.
However, the movement soon became indiscriminate and violent. An American was burnt alive in an ambulance. Students and protesters frequently held up motorists and cyclists, letting them go only after they chanted ‘Jai Hind’. Such groups of protesters were most visible in Alipore, Ballygunge, Entally, Sealdah, Beliaghata, and areas near the Lake. The dock area also grew restless, and crowds began gathering there. EIR trains arriving at and departing from Howrah Station were eventually stopped as protesters sat on the Liluah platform. There was a complete absence of general precinct and traffic police; the entire responsibility for maintaining law and order was left to sergeants and armed police. According to the Central Intelligence Officer, the situation in the city was the worst seen in the past twenty years.
Shamefully, this spontaneous popular movement became a cause of concern not only for the British but also for the nationalist leadership. Non-Bengali business groups from outside Kolkata began pressuring Congress and Hindu Mahasabha leaders to stop the movement. As a result, Congress leaders condemned the movement. Leaders from Congress and the Hindu Mahasabha took to the streets to restore peace. Kiran Shankar Roy, Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, Dr. Radhabinod Pal, and Dr. Sunil Bose attempted to calm the situation. Some Congress vans equipped with loudspeakers toured affected areas, appealing to the public to refrain from participating in the movement. However, political leaders failed to control the protesters. This became clear about ten minutes later when students in the same area began chanting slogans and asking protesters to continue the movement.
Ultimately, when Congress withdrew its support from the movement and the Governor threatened to call in the army, the movement gradually ground to a halt.
In February 1946, the British Raj tried Captain Abdul Rashid Ali of the Azad Hind Fauj (Indian National Army) and sentenced him to seven years of rigorous imprisonment. The movement that erupted following this decision brought Hindu and Muslim masses together once again on the streets of Kolkata. The scale and intensity of violence surpassed even the unrest of November.
On February 11, 1945 [1946], Hindu and Muslim students gathered for a meeting at Wellington Square, where the decision was made to march towards Dalhousie Square, a restricted zone. Speaking at the meeting, Muslim League leader H. S. Suhrawardy stated: “Today, the great desire of my life has been fulfilled; Hindu and Muslim students have united under the banners of the Congress and the Muslim League.” He concluded his speech by calling upon the protesters to awaken all of Kolkata against police brutality. The Intelligence Branch reported that the Muslim League was sponsoring this movement, and students from all political affiliations had assembled under the patronage of their parent political organizations. All parties stood united. The students marched through various streets of the city, with the flags of the Congress and the Muslim League flying together once again. When the students reached the Lalbazar police station area, the police launched a lathi charge to disperse the procession. They then attempted to reach the Square via an alternative route. When armed Gurkha police stopped the rally again, Anand Bhattacharya, General Secretary of the Bengal Provincial Students’ Federation, demanded the right to peaceful assembly and march.
Meanwhile, Mr. Mohammad Usman, Secretary of the Kolkata City League, arrived at the scene and welcomed the gathering with slogans of Hindu-Muslim unity. Deputy Commissioner of Police Shamsud-Doha arrested him and shouted at the crowd, “Either you leave, or I will crush you.” Anand Bhattacharya replied, “You can beat us, you can shoot us, but you cannot crush us.” Following this, around 200 police personnel launched an assault on the students. Nearly a hundred students were injured, including all the leaders of the Bengal Provincial Students’ Federation and the All-Bengal Muslim Students’ League (ABMSL). The situation gradually deteriorated, and lorries were set on fire in North Kolkata. Police opened fire three times in different parts of the city. Five military vehicles were set ablaze near the crossing of Central Avenue and Vivekananda Road. In Bhowanipore, crowds erected barricades at Jogu Babu’s Market and Russa Road. Police opened fire on crowds near the intersection of Beadon Street and Chittaranjan Avenue. Most shops in North and South Kolkata were shuttered. Following another day of unrest, the army was called in, and armored vehicles patrolled the city.
On February 12, Mr. Azizur Rahman, Secretary of the ABMSL, presided over a student rally at Wellington Square. A Muslim student named Zahiruddin stated: “The British government planned to keep Hindus and Muslims divided by discriminating against Captain Abdul Rashid. Today, we stand united here to disrupt the British calculation. Resolving the question of Hindustan and Pakistan among ourselves, we will drive the British out through our united movement. We will wash away this shame with our blood.”
Another meeting was convened to condemn the police lathi charge and firing on protesters the previous day. Suhrawardy presided over the gathering, which was addressed by several Congress and Communist leaders. According to a media report, 50,000 people attended the meeting. Suhrawardy demanded the release of those arrested and advocated continuing joint operations until all INA members were freed. Maulana Akram Khan, President of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League, remarked: “I may be old, but today I will not merely stand back; I will lead you.”
Abul Hashim, Secretary of the Bengal Provincial Muslim League, said: “I can clearly visualize that day, not too far off, when British imperialism will collapse like a house of cards at a new Plassey or Panipat. Yesterday’s tragedy has transformed from a curse into a blessing because it has united Hindus and Muslims. Through greater unity across the entire country, we will build our own Azad Hind Fauj. Do not worry about weapons. If we unite, weapons will drop from the sky.” Suhrawardy also expressed hope for cooperation between the League and the Congress, writing in Dawn on February 14: “The secret of our success lies in the sincerity of purpose behind all these movements; and if all concerned parties can unite on a common platform with the same sincerity, the problem of India will be solved.”
That same afternoon, a mile-long procession comprising over 100,000 people—Hindus and Muslims, Congressmen, Leaguers, Communists, students, and women—took to the streets. They marched across the Dalhousie Square area to protest Captain Rashid’s sentence. The marchers carried the flags of the Congress, League, Communists, and Khaksars, chanting slogans demanding the release of Rashid and other INA prisoners, and calling for Hindu-Muslim unity. Following a massive public rally, the procession originating from Wellington Square moved forward under the leadership of Suhrawardy and Satish Chandra Dasgupta, a Gandhian leader from Khadi Pratisthan. The two leaders marched hand-in-hand holding the Congress and League flags, which were tied together and held high by volunteers. Deafening slogans such as ‘Congress-League Ek Ho’ (Unite Congress and League), ‘British Raj Nipat Jak’ (Down with the British Raj), and ‘Police Julum Bandho Karo’ (Stop Police Oppression) inspired residents across various neighborhoods to join the procession. Exiting Wellington Square, the procession passed through Ganesh Chandra Avenue and Mission Row Extension, eventually encircling Dalhousie Square—where a similar procession jointly backed by Congress and the League had been barred the previous day after two lathi charges, as the zone was restricted.
A police constable was injured during the rally. As it passed near the central police headquarters, a police lorry carrying the injured constable back to headquarters forcibly drove through the crowd. Following this, people in the procession pelted stones on a large scale. Tear gas was used to disperse the crowd. Violence quickly escalated across various parts of the city. The Congress, Muslim League, and other political parties joined the unrest. An atmosphere of chaos descended upon the city, similar to the November riots. The police noted that the same troubled locations and similar methods of operation were involved. The Muslim-majority areas of Kolkata were the worst affected. Crowds split into smaller groups and roving bands of hooligans, who looted and set fire to homes and private buildings, predominantly in European residential areas.
On February 13, the Police Commissioner reported that the situation continued to worsen until 3:30 PM. As intense rioting persisted for three consecutive days, two battalions of British infantry and a battalion of Gurkhas were deployed. A post office in Kidderpore, South Kolkata, and the University Post Office at Colootola in North Kolkata were set on fire. Similarly, the Kalabagan Post Office was looted and burned. Most of the unrest centered around the areas adjoining Chittaranjan Avenue. After several military trucks were torched, police fired tear gas shells at the intersection of Bow Bazar Street and Central Avenue to disperse a massive crowd. They also opened fire at the Esplanade junction. Sporadic clashes occurred between pedestrians and police in the Dalhousie Square area, and a Gurkha officer was assaulted.
Jogu Babu’s Market in Bhowanipore turned into a major flashpoint. In South Kolkata, the Kalighat Tram Depot was set on fire, and the Kalighat Post Office was damaged. On Ashutosh Mukherjee Road in South Kolkata, a lorry belonging to the Khadi Pratisthan in Sodepur was attacked and torched. Severe rioting continued on Harrison Road, College Street, and Lower Circular Road, with four vehicles burned at the Dhakuria Nandan Road junction. An Associated Press correspondent visiting Chowringhee observed broken glass windows of shops and restaurants. The glass facade of Metro Cinema on Chowringhee was entirely shattered. Dead bodies lay on Dharamtala Street, and buildings in the Park Street area suffered extensive damage.
British troops patrolled various sections of the city. While the situation in South Kolkata showed slight improvement, trouble spread to the city’s outskirts. Muslim League students sent instructions to district organizations in Bengal to organize demonstrations alongside Communist students. The dock areas witnessed unrest, and all jute mills in Barrackpore and Kankinara were shut down. In Kankinara, 22 miles from Kolkata, hundreds of striking mill workers protesting police firings blocked 99 Santipur local trains. According to intelligence reports, this was executed as part of a pre-planned strategy led by Communist students alongside the Bengal Provincial Muslim Students’ League. Attempts were made to boycott everything European, incite servants of Europeans, and stop the sale of food to Europeans. European-owned shops were damaged, individuals wearing European attire were molested, and the YMCA was looted and set on fire. All British and American vehicles were targeted. As in November, symbols of colonial power served as the primary targets of attack. A church on Dharamtala Street was set on fire. Several European establishments and flats in the Park Street area were looted and torched. Around half a dozen Anglo-Indians residing on Creek Row were assaulted; however, local Indian residents dispersed the crowd.
The unrest finally drew to a close on February 19 after troops were withdrawn from Kolkata and surrounding industrial areas. A secret report by the British government dated February 14 stated that the total death toll stood at 3,190.
Conclusion
The November and February riots were not organized by the Muslim League or the Congress. Rather, they were examples of a spontaneous popular uprising that created an extraordinary Hindu-Muslim unity on the streets of the city. It showed a way forward to defeat communal forces. What ultimately defeated this potential was the attitude of the organized political leadership.
Intelligence Branch reports confirmed that the Muslim League leaders’ support for the movement was primarily driven by public pressure. In fact, the militant activities of Muslim students placed the League in an embarrassing position. Fearing the loss of support from Kolkata’s Muslim capitalists in the upcoming elections, they were forced to support the movement.
The Congress’s position was even more ambivalent. As Congress President, Sarat Bose initially condemned the movement as mere hooliganism, though he later attempted to reclaim his position. He sharply criticized the government for using the army against the protesters. Thus, the Congress oscillated depending on the momentum of the movement. Non-Bengali business groups from outside Kolkata pressured the Congress to oppose the agitation. Overall, at the highest levels, the Congress remained a reluctant supporter of the movement.
The anti-British mass movements of November 1945 and February 1946 created unprecedented potential for communal harmony in Bengal. The spontaneous participation of the masses forced political parties to set aside their differences and gather on a single platform. The people sacrificed their lives for this cause. Students and the general public sought to wash away the sin of communalism with their own blood. However, the narrow political interests of the leaders sacrificed all these possibilities. Had the political parties honored the will and emotions of the people and walked together, we might not have had to witness the communal riots and massacres of August 1946.
Source:
A Different Calcutta: INA Trials and Hindu-Muslim Solidarity in 1945 and 1946
by Sohini Majumdar
বাংলা এবং বাঙালির জন্য লড়াইকে এগিয়ে নিয়ে যেতে আমাদের সাহায্য করুন।
আমরা কোনো কোটিপতি বা বড় কোনো কোম্পানি নই – আমাদের পাঠকরাই আমাদের সমর্থন করেন। আমাদের এই গুরুত্বপূর্ণ এবং সাহসী প্রচেষ্টার জন্য অনুদান দিয়ে আমাদের পাশে থাকুন।
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