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All India

Qawmi Madrasas in India and what we should do.

There has been talk of closing down Qaumi Madrasas in all BJP-ruled states for a long time. While the government’s ignorance and the communal mindset of a certain section of people might be to blame for this, the Muslim communities of India must also shoulder a significant part of the responsibility. The hafiz, maulanas, muftis, and mosque imams of the Muslim community come from these very Qawmi madrasas. Without them, Muslim society would be paralyzed. Yet, not even 1% of educated, affluent Muslims send their children to study in Qawmi madrasas. It is primarily the children of the absolute poorest in society—orphans, and those of widows or abandoned mothers—who come to study here. Alongside religious instruction, they are provided meals twice daily. Their sole sources of income are not government grants, but rather the Zakat, Fitra, Qurbani, Sadaqah, and Hadiya given by Muslims, along with one or two annual religious gatherings (jalsas). Those who donate or pay Zakat to these madrasas do so entirely to earn religious merit; they have no other objective. Consequently, they give no further thought to how these institutions have failed to keep pace with changing times.

There are essentially three types of madrasas in this India:

  • Government-recognized and aided: Receive both official recognition and financial grants.
  • Recognized but unaided: Have government recognition but receive no financial grants.
  • Unrecognized and unaided: Neither recognized by the government nor receive any financial assistance.

This third category is known as Qawmi or Khariji or Nizamia madrasas. Total number of Qawmi or Nizamia madrasas in India is unknown. Only in West Bengal, the number of Khariji madrasas is estimated to be around 5,000 to 6,000.

In West Bengal, the government-recognized and financially aided madrasas are part of the formal institutional education system. There are 614 madrasas that receive both recognition and funding. Of these, 512 are ‘High Madrasas,’ and 102 are Senior Madrasas. The Madrasah Education Board manages these institutions. Compared to students in other secondary and higher secondary schools, students here have the added opportunity to study Islam and the Arabic language.

According to the West Bengal Madrasah Education Board’s data, out of the 614 recognized madrasas, 554 are co-educational. 57 are strictly for girls, and three are exclusively for boys. 17 madrasas operate in the Urdu medium. Furthermore, 183 of these recognized madrasas offer vocational education. Students from all religions and communities—Hindus, Muslims, and Adivasis—study in the High and Senior Madrasas, and a large majority of the teaching staff is Hindu.

However, it is the Khariji madrasas that remain at the center of controversy in India, especially in Assam and West Bengal. These institutions are unorganized and lack an interconnected network. They operate independently and autonomously. Because there is no government funding, there is also no government control over them. The state lacks concrete data on these madrasas, making it difficult to state their exact total number. While there are an estimated 5,000 to 6,000 Khariji madrasas scattered across various districts in West Bengal alone, the absence of a central board or governing body means the exact number of institutions and enrolled students remains unknown.

Fundamentally, poor, uneducated, or semi-educated parents in remote villages enroll their children in these residential Khariji or Qawmi madrasas because it guarantees two full meals a day alongside an education. Of course, there are also many parents whose families have been part of this educational system for generations; as a result, they prefer to send the newer generation to Khariji madrasas as well.


History and Heritage of Qawmi Madrasa

In the history of Islam, the first madrasa was established at the foot of Mount Safa, in the house of Zayd ibn al-Arqam—where the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) himself was the teacher, and his students were a few of his newly converted Muslim followers.

After the Migration (Hijrah), Madrasa Al-Suffah was established next to the Prophet’s Mosque (Al-Masjid an-Nabawi) in Medina. Initially located in the northeastern corner of the mosque, Muhammad (PBUH) ordered it to be covered with a roof of palm leaves, from which it came to be known as Al-Suffah, meaning “a shaded place.”

Homeless and unmarried Muhajirun (emigrants) who had no relatives in the city of Medina lived at Al-Suffah, primarily to learn the Quran and Sunnah. These people were known as “Ahl al-Suffah”. Al-Suffah stands as the first fully residential educational institution in Islamic history. This residential institution was completely dependent on the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). He would sit and interact with them, engage in discussions, invite them to his home for meals, and share his food and drink with them. Other Companions (Sahabah) would also take two or three members of Ahl al-Suffah to their own homes to feed them.

The teacher at Madrasa Al-Suffah was Ubadah ibn al-Samit, and its students included prominent Companions such as Abu Hurairah (RA), Mu’adh ibn Jabal (RA), and Abu Dharr al-Ghifari (RA). The curriculum of that era included the Quran, Hadith, Fiqh (jurisprudence), basic first aid, genealogy, and Tajwid (proper Quranic recitation). Additionally, horseback riding, martial arts, calligraphy, and physical education were part of the syllabus.

Teaching the Sunnah was a vital aspect of Madrasa Al-Suffah. Since state affairs were conducted directly from the Prophet’s Mosque at the time, the Messenger of Allah (PBUH) managed and formulated policy for the state’s political, economic, social, diplomatic, and military matters from this very place. Students of Al-Suffah were present to gain direct, first-hand knowledge, all of which was integral to their learning of the Sunnah.

It is estimated that between 300 and 400 members resided at Al-Suffah. It functioned for approximately nine years until the passing of Muhammad (PBUH). Later, every student of Al-Suffah was appointed as a governor or leader across various provinces.


Madrasas in Bengal

Bakhtiyar Khalji, the first Muslim ruler of Bengal, constructed a mosque and a madrasa in 1204 CE in Gaur, the capital of Bengal. Subsequently, the Sultans of Gaur, the Mughal Subahdars, and the Nawabs of Murshidabad built numerous mosques and madrasas throughout Bengal. Madrasas were established in almost every village across the region. In the Adam’s Report (1835–38), William Adam noted that he had personally observed around 100,000 such schools in Bengal. During Muslim rule, the government allocated a generous amount of Lakhiraj (tax-free) land for the operation and maintenance of these madrasas. The government also provided stipends and scholarships for teachers and students. Students of all religions and communities—both Hindu and Muslim—could study in these madrasas free of charge.

During the Sultanate period, the madrasa curriculum included the Quran, Hadith, Fiqh (jurisprudence), Tasawwuf (Islamic mysticism), languages (Bengali, Arabic, Persian), literature, rhetoric, syntax, morphology, epistemology, philosophy, logic, architecture, civil engineering, grammar, arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and public speaking.

Following the British takeover, the traditional madrasa education system in Bengal was devastated. The British government discovered that approximately 25 percent of the land in Bengal was Lakhiraj (tax-exempt). The British administration confiscated all these tax-free properties, leading to the closure of these madrasas. Consequently, a dark cloud of illiteracy spread across Bengal, and hundreds of thousands of people dependent on these madrasas were rendered unemployed overnight, destroying many educated families.

As William Hunter wrote, this resulted in “At an outlay of 800,000 upon Resumption Proceedings, an additional revenue of 300,000 a year was permanently gained by the state, representing a capital at five per cent of six millions sterling. A large part of this sum was derived from lands held by Musalmans or Muhammadan foundations. The panic and hatred which ensued have stamped themselves for ever on the rural record. Hundreds of ancient families were ruined, and the educational system of the Musalmans, which was almost entirely maintained by rent-free grants, received its death-blow. The scholastic classes of the Muhammadans emerged from the eighteen years of harrying, absolutely ruined.


Lord Warren Hastings, the Governor of Bengal, established the Calcutta Aliya Madrasa in 1780. It was the first Madrasa of its kind in the Indian subcontinent. The primary purpose of this madrasa was to produce a number of Muslim law officers for the government.

The Calcutta Aliya Madrasa introduced a new trend in madrasa education in what was then undivided Bengal (i.e., undivided Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Assam, and Jharkhand). The first head of this madrasa was Maulvi Bahrul Uloom (Sea of Knowledge) Mulla Majduddin. Influenced by the Dars-e-Nizami curriculum, he formulated a new curriculum on that model. Directed by Hastings, he prioritized Islamic law and jurisprudence in this syllabus.

During that time, some wealthy educated Muslims established several more madrasas across undivided Bengal. All of these were conducted according to the curriculum of the Calcutta Aliya Madrasa. Under this syllabus, by the age of 17 or 18, a student had to acquire the ability to read and comprehend at least one of 99 selected texts written in Arabic and Persian. Apart from the religious curriculum, this program included Unani medicine, cottage industries, and technical training. The total duration of education was nine years.

Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Munshi Premchand, Peary Chand Mitra, Bharatendu Harishchandra, Pandit Ramchandra Shukla, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Dr. Sachchidananda Sinha, and many other renowned personalities received their education in madrasas or at home under madrasa teachers.

During that period—under British rule—Muslim and lower-caste Hindu students were prohibited from entering the schools established by the bhadralok (gentry) of Calcutta; even in the schools founded by Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, Muslim and lower-caste Hindu students were not allowed to study. At that time, madrasas were the sole avenue for institutional education for Muslim and lower-caste Hindu students. Guruchand Thakur, the leader of the Namasudra Matua community, was also educated in a madrasa. It is one of the ironies of history that people from these very lower castes are today demonstrating for the closure of madrasas.


In 1819, the East India Company appointed Captain Irons, an officer of the British Army, as the first Secretary for the modernization of madrasa education. He held this position until 1842.

Captain Irons implemented several reforms. On August 15, 1827, the madrasa’s first annual examination was conducted. In 1826, modern India’s first medical class was introduced at Calcutta Aliya Madrasa under Professor of Medicine Peter Breton. The medical class continued at Calcutta Aliya Madrasa for ten years. Later, to advance medical science, the madrasa administration decided to establish a separate medical college. In 1836, the Calcutta Medical College was established with the medical teachers and students of Calcutta Aliya Madrasa.

It was during Captain Irons’ administrative tenure that basic English education was introduced at the college in 1826. Nawab Abdul Latif and Waheed-un-Nabi were among the college’s first English-educated students.

Following the Great Revolt of 1857, a blow was dealt to madrasa education. This was because the British government correctly inferred that madrasa teachers and students had fueled the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857, much like the Wahhabi Movement. The British administration began viewing the Muslim community of Bengal with increasing suspicion.

Multiple proposals were considered to close down Calcutta Madrasa College (Aliya Madrasa), and in 1857, the British government decided to establish the University of Calcutta.

However, the British administration ultimately allowed Aliya Madrasa to remain operational, but specified that only Arabic language and Sharia law should be taught there. From then on, madrasa education lost its significance in Bengal’s broader educational framework and became a center strictly for religious instruction.


Current situation

Even after independence, the focus in Bengal’s Khariji madrasas remained solely on the study of religious scriptures. Now, the situation has changed; most residential Khariji madrasas are affiliated with the West Bengal Board of Madrasah Education. That is, while staying at residential Khariji madrasas, students receive religious instruction alongside studying according to the Madrasah Board syllabus, and they take their examinations under the Board.

However, in remote rural areas of the state, there are still some Khariji madrasas that are not affiliated with the Madrasah Board. In these madrasas, Bengali, Urdu, English, and arithmetic are taught alongside religious education.

After graduating from Khariji madrasas, students integrate themselves into Islamic religious and social life. Graduates identify themselves with titles such as Hafiz, Maulana, Qari, and Mufti. However, certificates from Khariji madrasas hold no value for higher education or government jobs. Moreover, these madrasas lack infrastructure for vocational training. Consequently, students are virtually forced to choose to become low-salaried mosque imams or muezzins as their livelihood.

During the opposition to the British Raj, madrasa students were the first to step forward. Across India, especially in undivided Bengal’s Midnapore and Patna districts, thousands of madrasa students joined the anti-British Wahhabi movement, went to prison, and embraced martyrdom. In fact, the 1857 Sepoy Mutiny achieved some degree of success in those areas where Wahhabi madrasa students had their strongholds, and in many places, madrasa students led the rebel sepoys.

At present, taking isolated incidents in Bengal’s border regions as a pretext, anti-national communal forces are seeking to shut down Qawmi madrasas. It is hardly surprising that those who once opposed the anti-British ‘Quit India’ Movement are today opposing madrasa education.

The Indian Constitution guarantees minorities the right to run religious educational institutions. Therefore, the state government can make registration mandatory for Qawmi madrasas, but no government can declare Qawmi madrasa education unconstitutional or force them to shut down.


What should we do

If the people of India believe that there is a need for maulanas, hafizes, qaris, and muftis in society, then the educated and affluent members of society must set aside their indifferent attitude and step forward. The Khariji or Qawmi madrasa education system needs to be reshaped according to its foundational ideal—the model of Al-Suffah—so that ordinary citizens, professionals, successful business owners, or high-ranking government officials can send their children to study at Khariji madrasas without hesitation. Every member of Al-Suffah was appointed as an amir or ruler of various provinces. This was made possible because, along with knowledge of the Quran and Hadith, they possessed administrative and military competence. For instance, Abu Hurairah (RA) was appointed governor first of Bahrain and later, on multiple occasions, of Medina. The Khariji madrasas of Bengal should also be developed along these lines.

At the same time, several steps can be taken to dispel doubts and restore trust among the majority Hindu community:

  • Every Khariji madrasa must register.
  • Ancient Indian mythology, including the Ramayana, Mahabharata, Gita, and Puranas, should be incorporated into the curriculum of Khariji madrasas.
  • Sports facilities must be provided in every Khariji madrasa, and students from Khariji madrasas should participate in district, state, and national-level competitions.
  • Rather than focusing solely on expensive sports like cricket or football, focusing on individual sports such as athletics, gymnastics, boxing, martial arts, rifle shooting, and swimming could hold greater promise for strong performances in national and international events.
  • Training programs like the National Cadet Corps (NCC) of the Government of India or The Bharat Scouts and Guides (BSG) should be instituted in every Khariji madrasa.

Conclusion

Currently, the state of the Qawmi or Khariji madrasa education system in India is such that all education, aside from religious instruction, has ground to a halt. Even then, the maulanas, hafizes, or muftis who graduate from here lack even the courage to deliver the Friday or Eid khutbahs (sermons) in their mother tongue. Today, when the Hajj sermon in Mecca is being translated into Bengali, Urdu, and other languages of the world, the scholars of India merely observe the formality of the khutbah by reciting thousand-year-old Arabic poetry from memory. Until the educated and affluent members of the Muslim community step forward to fulfill their responsibilities, a change in this situation will not be possible.

In the Holy Quran, Allah says—”Indeed, Allah will not change the condition of a people (person or nation or community) until they change what is in themselves.”



বাংলা এবং বাঙালির জন্য লড়াইকে এগিয়ে নিয়ে যেতে আমাদের সাহায্য করুন।
আমরা কোনো কোটিপতি বা বড় কোনো কোম্পানি নই – আমাদের পাঠকরাই আমাদের সমর্থন করেন। আমাদের এই গুরুত্বপূর্ণ এবং সাহসী প্রচেষ্টার জন্য অনুদান দিয়ে আমাদের পাশে থাকুন।
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